Women in the Seventeenth-Century Netherlands

Business

A number of seventeenth-century travel journals remark on the presence of Dutch women in commerce, contributing to the idea of the "heroic Dutch businesswoman." While some view this as an exaggerated perception, documents from the time reveal that Dutch women were more actively involved in the economy than women in other countries, although the level of involvement varied across the Republic.

Although there were moral writings promoting home and family care as the proper focus of women’s efforts, there was also great admiration for a strong work ethic and numerous opportunities that flowed from the Republic’s enormous economic growth. While poor women have always had to work in some capacity, it is also true that women who were not in financial difficulty were active in the business world.

The scholar Danielle van den Heuvel^{Danielle W.A.G. van den Heuvel, Women and Entrepreneurship: Female Traders in the Northern Netherlands, c. 1580–1815 (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2007).} examines three areas of female economic involvement: the marketplace, (fig. 1) with its stallholders and street vendors (fig. 2); the shop, selling anything from books to household goods;and the merchant’s office, engaging in international trade and finance. While men were more prominent in all of these areas, particularly in higher-income brackets, women were active in each.

It was common for a woman to work at a stall selling meat, fish, or vegetables in conjunction with her husband, but there were also women who owned and operated their own stalls. Little to no formal training was needed for this occupation, and sons and daughters alike learned the family trade. While specific records of other individual businesswomen from that era are limited, it is evident that women frequently participated in and sometimes led commercial activities. Widows, in particular, had legal rights to manage their late husbands' businesses, and many did so successfully in sectors like textiles, brewing, and trade.

At the shopkeeper level, women were active in part due to their relatively high literacy and numeracy rates, fostered in a society driven by booming trade. Some women, such as Clementia van den Vondel,^{Clementia, Joost van den Vondel's sister, was a successful silk merchant in Amsterdam’s Warmoesstraat, continuing her husband’s business after his death with the help of her mother, Sara Cranen. Known for her strong-willed nature, Clementia had a complex relationship with her siblings, especially Joost, due in part to her critical view of his literary pursuits and his conversion to Catholicism. In her will, she arranged for her mother to oversee her business and household after her death, which added to the family tensions. Ultimately, Clementia handed her thriving business over to her son, Hans Jr., who maintained a good relationship with his uncle Joost. Sara Cranen, Clementia’s mother, had fled Antwerp for religious reasons and settled with her family in Amsterdam, where she established a hat and silk business that later supported her daughter and grandson’s ventures. Known for her entrepreneurship, Sara’s legacy was somewhat contentious within the family, as she noted in her will that Joost owed her a debt that he had to settle to claim his inheritance. Despite these familial strains, Sara’s business acumen laid a foundation for the Vondel family’s prosperity, and her determination influenced her children’s lives and careers.} became quite successful. The sister of a famous poet Joost van den Vondel (1587–1679), Van den Vondel owned a silk shop that provided silk products and clothing accessories for individuals and also operated as a cloth wholesaler. After fleeing religious persecution in Antwerp, Sara Cranen settled in Amsterdam and helped establish the family's commercial ventures in hats and silk fabrics. Upon her husband's death, she continued to run the business and later formed a partnership with Clementia.

Susanna Veseler,^{Susanna Veselaer married the printer Jan Jacobsz Schipper (1616–1669) in 1650. She collaborated with printers Joseph Athias and Hendrik Wetstein. Her printers' mark identifies her as "Chez la veuve Schippers" (House of the widow Schippers). After her husband's death she actually expanded his business, making it one of the largest printing establishments in Amsterdam.} the widow of a bookseller, ran the business for thirty years and was remarkably successful in both domestic and international markets, even though many of her books were Catholic. While this was officially frowned upon, profitable trade often excused such exceptions in Amsterdam at the time.

Women could even be found at the level of international trade, banking, and finance, particularly during the latter half of the century and into the next. This was in part due to changes in trade practices, allowing merchants to sell products on commission rather than directly managing their own sales. This arrangement became common for both men and women and was especially suited to upper-class women, who could manage their transactions primarily from home.

Women could even be found at the level of international trade, banking, and finance, particularly during the latter half of the century and into the next. This was in part due to changes in trade practices, allowing merchants to sell products on commission rather than directly managing their own sales. This arrangement became common for both men and women and was especially suited to upper-class women, who could manage their transactions primarily from home.

But why were women so involved in business? One reason was the level of education, and another was the legal system. Unmarried women and widows had rights similar to those of men. A woman who became widowed often took over the family business, particularly if she had been involved prior to her husband’s death (fig. 3). If a married woman wished to have her own business during her husband’s lifetime, she could attain femme sole status.^{The term "femme sole" refers to a legal status in historical contexts where a married woman could operate as if she were single ("sole") in specific regards, particularly in business or property ownership. In the 17th-century Netherlands and other parts of Europe, married women typically fell under the legal authority of their husbands, limiting their ability to own property or run businesses independently. However, by attaining the status of femme sole, a married woman could bypass some of these restrictions and gain legal independence for business purposes.To achieve femme sole status, a woman might need her husband's consent or a legal provision granting her separate financial identity. This status allowed her to sign contracts, conduct business, and manage her own financial affairs without her husband's intervention. This legal flexibility made it possible for women to engage in trade, manage assets, and play a more active economic role, especially if their husbands were often absent due to work or travel. In the Netherlands, this arrangement reflected the pragmatic approach to wome's economic participation, particularly in the context of the trade-driven and seafaring economy.} For example, if she was married to a seafaring husband, the court could allow her to carry on the business in his absence. These women were called "grass widows."^{In the context of the 17th-century Netherlands, "grass widows" referred to women whose husbands were temporarily absent, often due to long voyages associated with maritime trade, exploration, or military service. The Dutch Republic was a major seafaring nation during this period, with many men employed by organizations like the Dutch East India Company (VOC). These absences could last for months or even years, leaving their wives to manage households and, in many cases, oversee family businesses or estates independently. These women played a crucial role in the economic and social fabric of Dutch society. They were responsible for maintaining the household finances, raising children, and sometimes continuing their husbands' commercial activities.} Once again, considerable flexibility was allowed in the interest of commerce.

Women, especially from affluent backgrounds, played also active roles in social welfare. They managed orphanages and administered charitable institutions, contributing to the social infrastructure of the Republic. An example of such involvement is the management of a women's prison, where incarcerated women were taught skills to earn an honest living upon their release, reflecting a progressive approach to rehabilitation and social reintegration. Many ran institutions dedicated to assisting the poor, the sick, orphans, and the elderly.

Women frequently served as regents or overseers of these institutions, a respected role that allowed them to contribute actively to the social fabric of their communities. In some cities, particularly Amsterdam, these charitable roles were formalized, with women assuming managerial responsibilities within charitable foundations. They organized fundraising efforts, oversaw day-to-day operations, and ensured that funds and resources were allocated properly. Protestant values, which emphasized care for the community, influenced this civic-minded approach, and many of these charitable works were tied to the Reformed Church.

Frans Hals' 1660 portrait of the Regentesses of the Old Men's Almshouse Haarlem (fig. 4) is a famous example, showing older women in a somber, dignified setting that reflects their roles in managing welfare for the elderly. These regentess portraits are distinct from other types of group portraits in that they emphasize the serious, charitable nature of their work rather than wealth or status alone. The women are often depicted in black clothing, characteristic of the period's modesty for those in public service, signifying their dedication to moral and civic duty.

Maids

In seventeenth-century Netherlands, the relationship between maids and mistresses was a complex one, shaped by social hierarchies, economic dependencies, and evolving notions of domesticity. Dutch households often employed maids or domestic servants, who were typically young, unmarried women from rural or lower-class backgrounds seeking employment in urban centers. Mistresses, usually married women of the bourgeoisie or well-to-do merchant classes, oversaw household affairs and directly managed their maids, resulting in a dynamic marked by both cooperation and clear social distance. In a few documented cases, servants became loved members of the household, staying for many years and finally being pensioned off or left bequests in their master's wills.

Unmarried women from a genteel background but with no means of support would often work as a "waiting woman." This position, similar to a governess in later times, hovered somewhere between being a maid and a friend of the family. She would act as secretary, confidante, companion and lady’s maid, as her mistress required. She might be expected to sing or play an instrument to entertain her mistress and her friends, and to be a fine needlewoman.

Trustworthiness was crucial in this relationship, as maids had access to family spaces, daily routines, and personal belongings. They were often entrusted with important tasks, such as cleaning, childcare, and even managing finances, which required a significant degree of reliability (fig. 5). However, this trust was not absolute; maids were frequently under scrutiny due to concerns about theft, misbehavior, or moral transgressions. Cultural sources, including moral literature and paintings, often reflect this ambivalence—maiden servants were sometimes depicted as either loyal and virtuous or as potential disruptors of household order.

From a very young age, girls were hired by families as servants. Early each morning, they would rise to light the fire and prepare breakfast. Once the family had eaten, the servant’s duties included airing the rooms, making beds, washing clothes, and polishing tin and copper items. She was also responsible for shining the ironwork on shutters and, especially, scrubbing floors and the doorstep. Due to low wages and a surplus of women in urban areas, nearly every middle-class housewife could afford to employ a servant.

Generally, servants were compliant and adaptable, often depending on the nature of their relationship with the mistress, and were almost considered part of the family. They shared meals with the household but were expected to observe their place. In comedies, servants were frequently ridiculed as the ones who spoke most at the dinner table. However, they remained subordinate, and impudence was not tolerated; if boundaries were crossed, even verbally, the issue could escalate to the Sheriff. Interestingly, many foreign observers noted that the Dutch refrained from physically

The boundary between familiarity and formality could blur, as some mistresses formed close bonds with long-serving maids. In certain cases, especially in Protestant households that emphasized moral propriety, mistresses might feel a sense of moral responsibility towards their maids, encouraging them to lead virtuous lives. Nonetheless, this relationship was governed by economic and social dependency, with the maid ultimately vulnerable to dismissal and often lacking legal protections. Consequently, the relationship between maid and mistress in the Dutch Golden Age reveals an intricate balance between trust, dependence, and social constraint within the domestic sphere.

Domestic servants, particularly maids, were often observed wearing attire that exceeded the modesty expected of their social status. This practice elicited societal concern, as clothing was a significant indicator of class distinctions during this period. The tendency of maidservants to adopt luxurious or fashionable clothing was perceived as a challenge to the established social hierarchy, leading to increased irritation and social unrest.

Domestic service was a prevalent occupation, particularly for young, unmarried women. While precise numbers are scarce, estimates suggest that in urban centers like Amsterdam, domestic servants constituted a significant portion of the population. for instance, in seventeenth-century Amsterdam, domestic workers were the largest group of wage-earners, with more than 95% being women. It has been estimated that approximately 12% of the population in European cities during this period were servants, with a significant concentration in urban areas. The employment of maids was not limited to the affluent; many middle-class families could afford to hire domestic help due to relatively low wages and a surplus of women seeking employment in cities. This accessibility led to a substantial number of households employing at least one maid to assist with daily chores and child-rearing responsibilities. While precise statistics on the exact percentage of families employing maids are scarce, the available data indicate that a significant proportion of urban households in the Dutch Republic during the 17th century included domestic servants as integral members of the household.

Most maids originated from rural areas or lower socioeconomic backgrounds. Seeking better economic opportunities, they migrated to cities to work in households of the burgeoning middle and upper classes. This migration was often part of a life-cycle service pattern, where young women worked as maids before marriage to accumulate savings and gain urban experience. Wages for domestic servants varied based on factors such as location, the employer's wealth, and the maid's experience. n Amsterdam during the eighteenth century, records indicate that servants working for affluent households could save a marriage budget that was between one-third and half of the capital that an unskilled man could save in the same amount of time. dditionally, maids often received room and board, and sometimes clothing, as part of their compensation. Despite the modest pay, domestic service provided young women with a means to support themselves and, potentially, their families. Overall, domestic service in the seventeenth-century Netherlands was a common and vital occupation for women from lower social strata, offering them economic opportunities and a pathway to eventual marriage and family life.

Dutch Maids in Contemporary Painting

In seventeent-century Dutch painting, maids appear ain a great many paintings of domestic interiors and mrket scenes, reflecting societal attitudes and domestic life of the period. These representations can be categorized into several themes. Artists such as Pieter de Hooch and Nicolaes Maes portrayed maids engaged in household tasks, emphasizing diligence and the moral virtue of labor. For instance, Maes's The Idle Servant (fig. 6) contrasts a sleeping maid with the industrious mistress, serving as a moral lesson on the value of hard work.

Some works imbue the depiction of maids with sensuality, reflecting contemporary stereotypes of maids as objects of desire. Johannes Vermeer's A Maid Asleep illustrates a maid dozing beside a glass of wine, subtly suggesting themes of temptation and moral ambiguity. Similarly, Pieter Gerritsz van Roestraten's The Licentious Kitchen Maid (fig. 7) portrays a maid in a compromising position, highlighting concerns about propriety and social boundaries. Maids are also featured in satirical contexts, critiquing social norms and behaviors. In Jan Steen's The Dissolute Household, a chaotic domestic scene includes a maid participating in the disorder, serving as a commentary on the consequences of moral laxity within the household

Conversely, some artists present maids with dignity and focus, emphasizing their role in the household.Vermeer's The Milkmaid (fig. 8) depicts a maid absorbed in her task, highlighting the quiet dignity of domestic work.This portrayal deviates from the more common depictions of maids as either moral lessons or objects of desire, offering a nuanced view of their place in society.

Particularly empathetic, A Young Maidservant (c. 1660) (fig. 9) by Michael Sweerts presents a young woman with a contemplative expression, capturing her humanity beyond her occupational role. The painting's realistic portrayal and attention to detail reflect Sweerts's interest in depicting ordinary people with depth and character. This approach aligns with the genre of tronies,^{Tronie paintings, popular in the Dutch Golden Age, depict expressive, often anonymous faces or character studies rather than identifiable portraits. These works capture exaggerated or characteristic facial expressions, costumes, or figures in distinctive attire to explore elements of human expression, emotion, and appearance. Unlike typical portraits, tronies were not intended to portray specific individuals; instead, they served as studies in character or types. Artists like Rembrandt and Vermeer created tronies to study various lighting effects, expressions, and exotic costumes. These works reflect the era’s fascination with individuality, exoticism, and the exploration of human nature, often blending elements of realism with a focus on exaggerated or idealized features, likewise offering affordable works for cleints who could not afford the masters' more leaborate and labor-intensive composions.} character studies that focus on facial expressions and personalities rather than specific individuals. Unlike some contemporaneous artists who imbued such scenes with moralistic or sensual undertones, Sweerts's portrayal is marked by a respectful and empathetic perspective. His focus on the maid's absorbed demeanor and the meticulous rendering of her environment suggest an appreciation for the subtleties of daily life and labor.

These varied representations of maids in Dutch Golden Age painting reflect the complex social dynamics of the time, illustrating both the essential role of domestic servants and the moral and social concerns associated with their presence in the household.